Desarrollo del sexismo ambivalente y atractivo de personas sexistas

Resumen

Gender-based discrimination, that is, unequal treatment of women based solely on gender, is a clear breach of their human rights. This kind of discrimination is related to the existence of stereotypes and prejudiced attitudes towards women (Glick & Fiske, 1996; Moya, 2004). Gender-based prejudice has traditionally been considered as an aversion or antipathy towards women (Cameron, 1977). Yet, throughout history women have been revered as well as reviled (Eagly & Mladinic, 1989; Guttentag & Secord, 1983). These ambivalent ¿ negative and positive ¿ attitudes develop as a consequence of the confluence between power differences and the heterosexual interdependence between the sexes. Based on this ambivalence towards women, Glick and Fiske (1996) proposed the Ambivalent Sexism Theory, according to which two kinds of sexism reconcile traditional antipathy towards women (hostile sexism) with affection and positive feelings towards them (benevolent sexism). Hostile sexism (HS) corresponds to the classic concept of prejudice, whereas benevolent sexism (BS), which has a positive affective tone, is based on protectionist beliefs and overvalued stereotypically feminine traits. Yet, despite the apparent positive tone of BS, various studies have shown that accepting and being exposed to benevolent sexist beliefs has harmful effects for women (e.g., Barreto, Ellemers, Piebinga, & Moya, 2010; Dardenne, Dumont, & Bollier, 2007; Dumont, Sarlet, & Dardenne, 2010; Good & Rudman, 2010; Jost & Kay, 2005; Moya, Glick, Expósito, de Lemus, & Hart, 2007; Rudman & Heppen, 2003; Russell & Trigg, 2004; Sibley & Perry, 2010). Given the flattering tone of BS and the fact that it does not correspond to the prototype of easily recognizable sexist beliefs, this kind of sexism tends to go unnoticed and not be identified as sexism even by women themselves (Barreto & Ellemers, 2005; Ellemers & Barreto, 2009; Swim, Mallett, Russo-Devosa, & Stangor, 2005). This kind of sexism can be particularly harmful in intimate relationships between men and women; in fact, studies on the adult population have shown a relationship between women¿s BS and their acceptance of restrictions imposed by their intimate partners (Moya, Glick, Expósito, de Lemus, & Hart, 2007) as well as women¿s preference for benevolent sexist men not only over hostile sexist men (Bohner, Ahborn & Steiner, 2010; Rudman & Kilianski, 1998) but also over non-sexist men (Bohner et al., 2010). It is argued that ambivalent sexism develops particularly in intimate relationships (Glick & Hilt, 2000). More specifically, it has been postulated that, as a consequence of the interest in forming intimate relationships with the other gender, BS develops during adolescence, after childhood, which is usually profoundly marked by intergroup hostility (Maccoby, 1994; Rudman & Glick, 2008). Yet, few studies have analyzed the development of ambivalent sexism and patterns of attraction in intimate relationships at an early age. Determining the factors that influence its development and maintenance would have considerable theoretical and applied implications, particularly for the reduction of sexism. The first objective that guided the development of the present doctoral dissertation was to contribute from a psychosocial perspective to a better understanding of the variables that influence the development of ambivalent sexism. This research focused especially on exploring two external factors to the individual that may influence the development of sexist beliefs according to the literature on gender prejudice: a) the transmission of sexist beliefs from mothers to daughters, and b) the influence of the first heterosexual contacts in adolescence. The literature on the transmission of gender role attitudes suggests that parents are important socializing agents (Bussey & Bandura, 1999); yet, it gives special relevance to mothers, since positive correlations have been found between their gender ideology and that of their daughters (e.g., Eccles, Jacobs, & Harold, 1990; Ex & Janssens, 1998; Kulik, 2004; Moen, Ercickson, & Dempster-McClain, 1997; Smith & Self, 1980). Study 1 of the present doctoral dissertation explored the possible transmission of benevolent sexist beliefs from mothers to daughters. It also analyzed the possible influence of such beliefs on the (traditional and academic) goals and the academic performance of adolescent girls. Another factor highlighted in the literature with regard to the development of ambivalent sexism (Glick & Hilt, 2000) is intimate heterosexual contact. De Lemus, Moya, and Glick (2010) corroborated that experience in intimate relationships in adolescence was correlated with the development of sexist attitudes (BS in boys and HS in girls). In Study 2 of this doctoral dissertation we examined the causal influence of adolescent intimate relationship experience on sexist attitudes with the aim of answering the following question: does experience in intimate relationships lead to an increase or a decrease of ambivalent sexism? Given the importance of early experiences with romantic relationships, the second objective of the present doctoral dissertation was to gain further insight into patterns of attraction to people with different levels of acceptance of sexist beliefs, both in adolescence and adulthood. Given that previous studies (Bohner et al., 2010) have shown that adult women are more attracted to benevolent sexist men, the present research explored at what stage this attraction to male benevolence develops. The beginning of romantic relationships in adolescence may be the triggering event for its appearance. For this reason, we analyzed preferences for potential sexist partners in adolescent boys and girls (Study 3) and young adult men and women (Study 4). Previous studies (Kilianski & Rudman, 1998; Bohner et al., 2010) have considered women¿s assessments of men with various sexist ideologies but have not explored men¿s assessments of women on the basis of the sexist ideology of such women. Insofar as women endorse a sexist ideology, they are accepting traditional gender roles, which may affect their intimate relationships and dynamics. Given that sexist ideology benefits men, justifying their dominant position and the status quo, men may not perceive sexist women negatively and may even prefer them over non-sexist women (Glick & Fiske, 2001). From an instrumental approach, it could be hypothesized that endorsement of sexist beliefs by adolescent girls and adult women increases their chances of success in the search for intimate relationships. Moreover, the first intimate contacts between both genders in adolescence may be a key aspect in establishing what girls expect from boys and vice versa. Experience in intimate relationships may increase the perception of the costs and benefits of one¿s partner for both genders. For this reason, in Study 3 we examined how the first adolescent intimate relationships influence people¿s preference for partners with different sexist ideologies. Study 4 analyzed whether the preferences for certain sexist partners in adolescence persist in adult men and women. We also examined whether perceived sexism of partners depends on their attractiveness (or vice versa), and analyzed the influence of people¿ own sexist beliefs on their assessment of others. Finally, Study 5 was based on the idea that intergroup threat might be a variable of influence on perceived attractiveness. Therefore, we examined whether women¿s exposure to news reports on gender-based violence influenced their preferences for sexist men. It was hypothesized that the perception of threat (male hostility) that is inherent to exposure to gender-based violence would increase women¿s acceptance of benevolent (or even ambivalent) sexism. The present doctoral dissertation is structured into three chapters. Chapter 1 provides a socio-psychological approach to the existing literature on the development of sexism and the attractiveness of sexist people. Chapter 2 describes the five empirical studies conducted to respond to the hypotheses proposed. Finally, Chapter 3 presents the main conclusions and implications of the studies carried out.